Since the epoch of postmodernity, and hence the formation of postmodern urban space, discussions revolving around ‘participatory’ and heterogeneous environments have become central within theoretical debates and contestations over contemporary urban planning and design (Dear, 1986; Huyssen, 1990; Shields, 1992). Although arguably not specifically influenced by, or incorporated with, postmodernism, the Situationist International (S.I.) has recently regained interest by many urban academics and theorists studying this continuation from modernity (Pinder, 1994; Huyssen, 1990).

The S.I. was most interested in critiquing capitalist society (what Jameson (2000) refers to as an era of ‘Late Capitalism’) and the appropriation of art by the bourgeois class. However it was also considerably interested in the urban environment, devising numerous radical publications on its urban design and planning ideals. In this report it is contended that this aspect of the S.I. has not been given sufficient weight, merely being passed off as another form of ‘utopianism’.

Using discussions of the haptic city, it is argued that the S.I.’s conception of psychogeography and unitary urbanism can be applied to studies of urban milieus to gain a greater understanding of how heterogeneous space operates.

Finally, through a case study of the Citylights Project in the central business district (CBD) of Melbourne, Australia, I intend to demonstrate that some aspects of the Situationist city can be used as examples of space that are not specifically aimed at generating capital, but instead at heightening the urban/haptic experience.

 

The ‘Situationist International’, a radical avant-garde artistic and political group, formed in Paris in 1957 (Thomas, 1975; Bonnett, 1989; McDonough, 1994; Pinder, 1994). In its short lived existence, the S.I. comprised of no more than 70 members, but was particularly centred around a core group, its most notable figure being Guy Debord (Thomas, 1975). However, after the May 1968 riots in Paris, the group lost much of its momentum, and by 1972 had disbanded (Bonnett, 1989; Wollen, 1989; McDonough, 1994; Pinder, 1994).

 

Although its life-span was rather short, many of the S.I.’s views are regaining interest from contemporary theorists within varying fields of study (Pinder, 1994; Andreotti, 1996). Of most importance to this report, the S.I. had a strong concern with the urban milieu, and undertook a critical examination of, and experimentation within, urban spaces, questioning current practices of urban planning and design (Thomas, 1975; Swyngedouw, 2002). The S.I. suggested that emancipatory spatialisation could be created “around the reconquest and the production of spaces expressive of lived difference, of desire, of identity, and of possible encounter” (Swyngedouw, 2002, p.163). This could only be achieved however, by first undertaking a ‘psychogeographical’ mapping in order to understand the functioning of the city (Pinder, 1994).

 

Although there is an extensive history to the S.I., due largely to its involvement in many aspects such as art, politics and critique of capitalist culture, the focus of this report is on its contribution and views of urban space and the interactions within (Andreotti, 1997). The contrast between psychogeography and the haptic city will now be explored, leading to a discussion of the case-study of the Citylights project.

 

 
“We wanted to break out of this conditioning, in quest of another use of the urban landscape, in quest of new passions” (Debord, 1992, p.32, in Pinder, 1994, p.413)
 

Debord and the S.I. largely focused on the ‘banalisation’ of everyday life within the city, suggesting that the city “creates and isolates the individual through the commodification and ritualisation of his or her images of space and time” (Bonnett, 1989, p.136; Debord, 1983; Marcus and Levin, 1989; Ivain, 1996). In the Society of the Spectacle (1983, p.2), Debord states, “everything that was directly lived has moved away into a representation”. Therefore, dissatisfied with capitalist derived urban space (refer above quote by Debord in Pinder, 1994), the S.I. sought, through forms of mapping and new forms of geographical investigations, to create new visions of the city (Thomas, 1975; Bonnett, 1989; Plant, 1992; Sadler, 1998; McDonough, 2001). Here I will contrast the S.I. and its conception of psychogeography with notions of the haptic city, in order to demonstrate their close interrelationship.

 

Debord and the S.I. used psychogeographical studies and mapping to examine how the urban environment creates feeling and desires. Psychogeography was described by the Situationists as;
 

“The study of the specific effects of the geographical environment, consciously organised or not, on the emotions and behaviour of individuals” (I.S. 1996a, p.13; see also Pinder, 1994)
 

The map was thus seen as a narrative rather than a hegemonic form of knowledge to the S.I., and was stated as a measure that could allow the revolutionary reappropriation of the urban landscape (Bonnett, 1989; Plant, 1992; McDonough, 1994; Pinder, 1994). Most importantly, psychogeography involved the attention to sudden changes of ambience within the street and the division of the city into zones of distinct psychic atmospheres (Pinder, 1994; Plant, 1992; Debord, 1996a,b; Kofman and Lebas, 1996; Sadler, 1998). Psychogeographical maps attempt to capture the city from many perspectives, and were intended to help in the development of hypotheses on new social spaces, providing “outlines and initial blueprints for the construction of urban utopias…a new urbanism informed by different spatial representations” (Bonnett, 1989; Pinder, 1994, p.421; Debord, 1996b; McDonough, 2001). As mentioned in Bruno’s (1997) article, architecture and the formation of spaces within cities can only be truly enjoyed when on the move, particularly from a pedestrian’s point of view, and this is how the S.I. went about understanding the functioning of cities and their spaces.
 

A key example of the process of psychogeographical studies and mapping is the work produced by Debord, namely his most renowned map titled “The Naked City”, developed in 1957 (McDonough, 1994; refer figure 1). The segments of the map are intended to represent the ‘unities of atmosphere’ found in Paris, whilst the distances between them represent not geographical distance but “distances relating to influences, connections, similarities and dissimilarities” (Pinder, 1994, p.420; Debord, 1996b; Sadler, 1998). Although generally based on Paris, these maps could be created for any city, and in the closing section to this report an example of this will be discussed and shown, although rather limited in relation to the complexities of Debord and the S.I.’s work.

 

Figure 1: Guy Debord’s ‘The Naked City’ (McDonough, 1994, p.58) see left for image

 

Unitary Urbanism, based on the constructions of milieus derived around ambiance and emotion, follows on from psychogeographical research (Plant, 1992; I.S., 1996a; Bonnett, 1998). This was developed as a critique of urban planning and design, arguing its practice was tied up in the capitalist system of the production of space, and thus a complete rejection of the fundamentalist aspects of urban planning was declared by the S.I. (Thomas, 1975; Marcus and Levin, 1989; I.S., 1996b; Kotanyi and Vaneigem 1996; Sadler, 1998). It was suggested that a city created by planning did not allow for citizens to participate in its development, as it is not made for them but against them (Thomas, 1975; Bonnett, 1989; Plant, 1992; Kotanyi and Vaneigem, 1996; Sadler, 1998; McDonough, 2001). Unitary urbanism is about seeking out and constructing psychogeographically the places that can be used to create active, conscious and participatory behaviour (Plant, 1992; Andreotti, 1996; Kotanyi and Vaneigem, 1996; Swyngedouw, 2002). It is a space of flux that allows the creation of new situations, desires and possibilities, leading to a liberating politics and exciting urban experience (Marcus and Levin, 1989; I.S., 1996b; Swyngedouw, 2002). Through a focus on the haptic nature of spaces within cities, it may well be possible to create, to an extent, spaces that meet some of the ideals of the S.I., as will be discussed in the final section to this report.

 

Under Unitary Urbanism, the ‘quarters’ of the town would be divided into feelings one normally experiences purely by chance (eg: the Sinister Quarter, the Bizarre Quarter etc), through a process called the ‘derive’, “a technique of transient passage though varied ambiances”(Thomas, 1975; Bonnett, 1989; Plant, 1992; Pinder, 1994; Debord, 1996b; I.S., 1996a, p.13; Ivain, 1996). The derive is a critical yet unstructured drift, and is intended to replace Benjamin’s flaneur or voyeur with that of the pedestrian or ‘walker’ (McDonough, 1994; Pinder, 1994; Kofman and Lebas, 1996; Benjamin, 1999). Thus the derive becomes a pedestrian ‘speech act’, aimed at changing the meaning of space, its use, and the way it is inhabited, allowing a greater possibility of chance encounter and interaction for those involved (this relates heavily to de Certeau’s ideas of revolution through pedestrian speech acts, 1984; Marcus and Levin, 1989; McDonough, 1994; Debord, 1996a; Ivain, 1996). As Grosz (1998, p.48) notes, “The city helps to orient sensory and perceptual information, insofar as it helps to produce specific conceptions of spatiality”. A particular example of the manner in which pedestrians can experience haptic spaces will be discussed in the closing section to this report.

Therefore, it is evident that the S.I.’s conception of urban planning and use of space fits well with conceptions of the haptic city and de Certau’s walking city. These concepts are certainly applicable and relevant to studies of urban milieus and the interactions within them. In order to demonstrate these concepts in a grounded manner, this report will now turn to a case-study of the Citylights project, situated in Melbourne’s CBD.  

A Case Study of the Citylights Project
Although the ideals of the S.I., such as Unitary Urbanism and psychogeography, have been criticised as ‘utopian’ and appear as quite abstract to everyday experience within the urban milieu, as Lefebvre (in Thomas, 1975) has previously mentioned examples of such spaces can be found in physical manifestations. Using a case study of the Citylights Project, situated in the CBD of Melbourne, the following sections of this report intend to display the importance of ‘haptic’ spaces within cities, their contribution to the urban experience, and the usefulness of Situationist ideals upon urban planning. 

 

The Citylights Project began as a concept in 1995 and was implemented in September 1996, located off Centre Place in the heart of the CBD. Following this, a second site was opened in 1998, situated along Hosier Lane (refer appendix 1). Both sites share the common link of Flinders Lane, as shown in figure 2 below;

 

 Figure 2: The location of the Citylights laneways (Citylights, 2003) See left for image

 

The two sites, previous to the inception of the Citylights Project, could be seen as rather overlooked spaces, to be used only as utilities to surrounding land-uses. Centre Place was simply used for rubbish disposal, with the backs of stores opening onto it – a dead-end alley seen to serve no great function, even though many pedestrians passed by it everyday. Hosier Lane functioned as a traffic conduit between Flinders Lane and Flinders St, but admittedly is used a little more as a number of small businesses and clubs open onto it, although mostly at night however.

Comprising of a number of lightboxes, the Citylights Project allows the display of artworks free to the public, 24 hours a day, seven days a week. There are four lightboxes situated in Centre Place, and eight in Hosier Lane, with the displays being changed regularly, alongside opening night events in the laneways for each new display (refer appendix 2, 3). It is estimated that up to 40,000 visitors a day pass these sites, allowing the spaces to take on a new form of use (Citylights, 2003). However the two spaces are not limited only to the use of the lightboxes, as appendix 4 shows, where the public are able to add to the space through different forms, such as graffiti and graphic art (the importance of this ability to participate will be discussed further in the following section of this report).

 

There are a number of objectives that the Citylights project aims to meet, as summarised below;
 

Figure 3: The Objectives of the Citylights Project (Citylights, 2003)

 

Issues of identity, accessibility, cultural dialogue, and most importantly, the public street, are considered in the objectives of the project, and appear to have been met quite sufficiently through the success of the two sites and their exhibitions over the eight-year period since their inception. This report will now turn to a focus on how the Citylights Project can be seen as a haptic space, relating to Situationist ideals of urban planning, whilst meeting the above objectives.
 

The city is a discourse and this discourse is truly a language: the city speaks to its inhabitants, we speak our city, the city where we are, simply by living in it, by wandering through it, by looking at it (Barthes, 1997; p.168)
 

Through the previous discussion of the S.I. and psychogeography, and haptic spaces/practices within cities, it could be seen that the two concepts are closely related, as both share an interest in the possibilities of urban space, and the ability to create certain emotions. It is thus evident that spatial explorations of cities are important in understanding the everyday interactions within these spaces; as Lefebvre (2002, p.134) states, “Space considered in isolation is an empty abstraction”. The final section of this report therefore seeks to demonstrate how these two concepts of psychogeography and haptic spaces can be seen and applied in a grounded example of the Citylights project in Melbourne’s CBD.

 

In Bruno’s (1997, p.21) article, it is stated that, “In the city…one does not end where the body or walls end”. This, I argue, can be experienced within the Citylights laneways, where the haptic possibilities of the laneway allow individuals to explore and interact, as shown in appendix 4 & 5, displaying how certain artworks have been added to the walls of the laneways. Furthermore, due to their pedestrian scale, it can be argued that de Certeau’s (1984) suggestions of the ability for pedestrian speech acts to occur within cities, can be applied here. The individual is drawn into these spaces, which can only be experienced through walking, whilst the ability to participate in the space allows a form of pedestrian speech act to take place. This results in an immersion of the body in space, where the individual can consume and be consumed by the space, choosing either to view the artworks and graffiti (consume), or instead add to the existing graphic works on the walls and buildings (be consumed) (Grosz, 1998). These artworks in turn escalate the haptic nature of the space, inviting the pedestrian to touch, view, and contribute (Bruno, 1997). As Grosz (1998, p.47) states, “the body (as cultural product) transforms, reinscribes the urban landscape according to its changing needs, extending the limits of the city”. This haptic discussion of city spaces certainly contrasts heavily with the S.I.’s notions of experience and bodily relations to the city through the derive and unitary urbanism, as mentioned previously (I.S., 1996a; Swyngedouw, 2002).

 

It must also be noted that these laneways are not stagnant or fixed statically. Asides from the interrelationship between the sites (seen in a psychogeographical manner), they can also be seen on a wider-scale. As appendix 3 exhibits, artists from varying cities and countries have been invited to contribute to the laneways. Furthermore, it can be witnessed at both sites that the graffiti/art work often seem to flow around corners from the site, catching the walkers imagination and interest, leading them into the spaces. This heightened sense of experience is also added to by the fact that the spaces are not ‘clean’ – the dumpmasters in Centre Place leave a distinct smell, whilst occasional traffic in Hosier Lane poses a slight risk (or perhaps game) to the pedestrian. More so, there is the risk of confrontation as the spaces are openly public and thus lead to various and diverse publics visiting and using these spaces. This was important to the Situationists, where it was argued that unexpected confrontation heightened the urban and everyday experience (Debord, 1996a,b). 

 

Continuing from this, it is contended that these spaces can be mapped and linked in a psychogeographic manner, much like Debord’s work on the Naked City, although to a much lesser extent in detail (McDonough, 1994; Pinder, 1994). Although the two laneways are not linked spatially, they can still be linked through space by common narratives and shared emotions, as seen in the S.I.’s linking of spaces within their psychogeographic works (Pinder, 1994, p.420; Debord, 1996b; Sadler, 1998). The lightboxes displaying the artworks being exhibited help to link the two spaces through shared narratives of common artistic styles and topics, whilst certain forms of graffiti are seen in both spaces. Perhaps more physically however, Flinders Lane does help to create a spatial link, whilst also promoting pedestrian travel between the two spaces, perhaps loosely in relation to the S.I.’s concept of the derive (refer figure 2).

 

Furthermore, the Citylights laneways due to their nearby positioning to an upper-class shopping gallery (Centre Place) and a central landmark of Melbourne’s CBD (Federation Square), can be viewed as a reappropriation of space, aimed at recreating it for non-capitalist related purposes (refer figure 2). As Lefebvre contests, “few people today would reject the idea that capital and capitalism ‘influence’ practical matters relating to space” (2002, p.132), yet it may be argued that these spaces aim to at least partly subvert the ideals of ‘highest and best use’, most commonly seen in CBDs (Vaneigem, 1996). This meets with the S.I.’s ambition to create spaces that could be described as ‘anti’-urban planning, allowing citizens/pedestrians to deconstruct the typical meanings of spaces, adopting other uses that are not commonly applied (Marcus and Levin, 1989; McDonough, 1994; Sadler, 1998).

 

As mentioned previously, the Situationists called for urban planning that allowed participation for citizens, as opposed to the rigid, and capitalist driven methods of planning that they suggested were occurring (Thomas, 1975; Andreotti, 1996). I assert that following from the Situationists views, along with the continuing success of the Citylights project, urban planners and other managers of city centres need to consider the importance of such spaces, where the haptic is seen as central, and the ability for citizens to contribute to the production of space increased. Further, views of space and its use taken by the S.I. can be seen to relate to, and heavily influence, postmodern conceptions on the use of space within contemporary cities. The need for postmodern spaces to be constructed for heterogeneous populations, and thus uses, is essential for urban planners and designers to consider if haptic experiences are to be created (de Certeau, 1984; Dear, 1986; Virilio, 1991; Shields, 1992; Deutsche, 1996; Harvey, 1996). Quite simply haptic experience and emotion should not be treated as separate from issues of urban planning and land-use.
 

 

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